Home Rule and Late Victorian Politics

These three classes were the "white Dominions," such as Canada and Australia; India, and similar regions in which Britain linguistic ruled over autochthonal peoples; and finally a class of composite colonies, especially in Africa, which had large native populations, but also significant numbers game of incline settlers intent on making these places their homes. In appurtenance to colonies of these three classes were lesser asideposts scattered around the world, any(prenominal)times unforesightful more than coaling stations. They were of strategic importance, but figured little in the question of imperial governance.

The white Dominions were characterized by populations that were predominantly of British descent, thus in approximately broad moral ace still "Englishmen." The development of their political institutions and relations with the mother earth were shaped primarily by the awkward experience with the reliable British overseas colonies that went their own way after the American War of Independence. The American colonists had begun by demanding the "rights of Englishmen," and the lesson learned was that these rights -- a learn in their own giving medication and affairs, rather than direct rule from Whitehall -- had to be granted to the Canadian dominions that remained loyal, and the similar dominions established in Australia and New Zealand.

The form of giving medication that thus de

Gladstone's actual 1886 proposal was more restrictive; he described it later in his private papers as "a measure of Home Rule which should constitute an Irish Parliament subject to the supremacy of the Parliament at Westminster." correct this much, he was aware, stretched the limits of practical politics, for immediately following the above he adds "I was not sanguine on this head" (Gladstone 108). His non-sanguine thought process of its prospects proved correct, since Home Rule failed in the end, by some 30 votes in the Commons.

To strategic concerns were joined economic covetousness.

Plans for establishing English "plantations" in Ireland were floated, at the same time and by some of the same people who were devising the first colonization schemes for jointure America

veloped was modeled on the British parliamentary system. starchy executive authority was vested in a Governor-General sent out from Whitehall, but he presided over a locally choose parliament with its own cabinet of ministers. It should be remembered that Queen capital of Seychelles was far from the rois faineants that her Windsor descendents have become; her formal powers were limited, but her check was enormous. Governors-General in the 19th century enjoyed similar broad if fatigued powers in the white Dominions.

It might be true to put forward of Chamberlain that he saw Ireland as a rather bigger Birmingham with slightly more Irish inhabitants than his native city. Local government had given to Birmingham a flourishing civic life and a reform programme which had changed the face of the city: local government could work the same miracle in Ireland (Browne 44).

If the arch-imperialists of Chamberlain's school applied the same logic to the problem of Ireland as to those of the Empire as a whole, so likewise did those of the opposite persuasion. When the British moved to "temporarily" occupy Uganda in 1882, Henry Labouchere perceived that this temporary assault into Uganda's affairs would almost inevit
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